common good

Rust Belt Reluctancy

Peter Panepento, a blogger at Outside Erie, has a post up about Erie's biggest enemy being its past. Simply put, Erie can't move forward because it's always looking backward.

When I think about my experiences in Erie and also the smaller cities of Meadville, Pennsylvania and Salem, Ohio, I think the same thing could be said of them. It's a cliche anymore to discount local politics as too bitter and nasty to accomplish anything, and I think in each place I've been over my 24 years, this has held true. People can't separate the common good from the personal, and so they go to the mud, taking the public with them (there are too many who go willingly).

Yes, I said the word "bitter." And maybe this is what Barack Obama was trying to say when he famously slipped up last spring in San Francisco. People are too scared to change; they're paralyzed by fear, because, as Panepento notes, the last memory these people have of success is too far gone.

I’ve heard many people over the years talk about how we can get Erie back to where it used to be — back in the days when the factories were booming and people were flocking to the region in search of family-sustaining blue-collar jobs. The days when men with calloused hands could put in a honest 8 hours at the plant, head to the corner bar for an after-work beer, then get home for dinner.

Older citizens of these northern cities and small towns are in this thirty-year depression, and they just can't snap out of it.

Now that change is on the way, it's our responsibility to grab these people by the shoulders and shake them. Change relies on these people. Panepento concludes his post with a rallying cry to pressure government like they haven't been pressured before. I'd certainly agree with this. Contrary to what these "Yes We Did" people think, our job isn't over. Elections aren't the be-all, end-all of our political system. As citizens of these communities, we young people have a duty to push those representing us to lead in the right direction -- forward. And until a significant number of citizens living in the Great Lakes region realize this, these communities will continue to sulk and become pathetic shells of their former selves -- at the expense of the common good.

What If? Rethinking America's coffeehouses

Bumped. --Mike

I would think that the introvert in me would love America's coffeehouses (when I use this term, I am referring to the shops that most Americans experience -- places like Starbucks, Caribou Coffee, Dunkin' Donuts). They're small, usually fairly quiet, lounging customers usually have headphones on typing on a laptop, and no one talks to you until you go get a cup of coffee or a refill. But I don't love them. Let me count the ways.

1.) When I describe them as "usually fairly quiet," that's ignoring the sound of making the lattes and smoothies which, at worst, can be severely irritating.

2.) I like being left alone to some degree, but in today's coffeehouses, I can't avoid noticing the missed storytelling opportunities. Each person has an intricately woven set of experiences that every other person in the world can learn from. Where else in society do we have the opportunity to organize these experience-based exchanges?

3.) These chain coffeehouses are usually surrounded by strip malls, big box stores and found on four lane highways. This restricts the building of any kind of community, and it deteriorates the economic health of our small town walking districts.

When I was first thinking about this topic, I consulted a book titled The Great Good Place by Ray Oldenburg. The book reviews the importance of the "third place" in our civic health, a place apart from home and work that allows us to relax and enjoy the company of others. In addition to coffeehouses, we do have other places like hair salons and taverns that serve as third places, but, as Oldenburg writes in the book, coffeehouses have always had the intellectually social side to them. Most of the chain coffeehouses that we have today do fit some of Oldenburg's "third place" characteristics.

But what if we tinkered with some things?

For example, what if the focus of the coffeehouse was not the beverage, but the conversation? What if the "coffeehouse" became a "commons"? Starbucks initially was started with its focus on the environment within the store (after realizing selling just coffee beans was a bit bland). Howard Schultz, the founder of the company, got the urge to start Starbucks when he visited the streetside Italian cafes, was impressed with their environments, and wanted to bring it back to the United States. But the difference between this idea and between Schultz's wish is the injection of interpersonal communication into this mission. This commons should be a place that welcomes everyone into the collective conversation. Oldenburg writes a bit about these qualities found in the London coffeehouses of yesteryear in his book.

In the era of its reign . . . the coffeehouse was often referred to as the Penny University. A penny was the price of admission to its store of literary and intellectual flavors. Twopence was the price of a cup of coffee; a pipe cost a penny; a newspaper was free. The coffeehouse of the seventeenth century was the precursor of the daily newspaper and home delivery of mail . . . Whether on a regular schedule or not, many Londoners dropped into the coffeehouse several times a day in order to keep abreast of the news. Customarily, the literate would read aloud from the house's newspapers, tracts, and broadsides so that the illiterate could digest the contents and discuss the issues of the day (185).

The focus definitely was centered on the dialogue. The conversation, as you read, was set up like a course (the Penny University). You got the news, but you also had the opportunity to digest it, to play with it, with other people just as interested as you. I emphasized "discuss" above because it was not enough even for the illiterate to know the news -- they were expected to discuss it too. The newspaper was free, so there was an obvious focus on substantive conversation. How much better could our society be if we had discussions about public events that happened more frequently? We'd be more educated, more prepared to perform our civic duties. And because the focus is centered on the dialogue and not the beverage, the fancy drinks of Starbucks and Caribou Coffee turn to a more quietly made coffee.

What if this outlet was more centrally located? What if it sucked more people into the plighted downtown areas many rust belt communities are stuck with? What if this "commons" served as an incentive to live in these areas? These commons could be the heart of "walking districts," the downtowns of tomorrow. With a burgeoning emphasis on green behavior, these districts could take off and restore the promise of smalltown America. Improved public dialogue and civic health could result in better school systems, as citizens become more involved in the town's institutions. Better education brings more corporations to these towns to set up shop. It also infuses energy into the town leading to entrepreneurs who are dedicated to the town's future.

I realize this is a very rough, brainstormy entry. But when we look at the "common good," I think we should start in our local communities. The "common good" can only be appreciated, targeted, and pursued when people are talking, and while we have these fancy technological tools (like this blog), the best communication continues to be face-to-face. Coincidentally, Mike offers this tidbit about Clay Shirkey's "cognitive surplus" thesis in a comment on the recent volunteerism entry. It fits in quite nicely with this discussion. This "commons" could find incentives that would enable us to get youth to take one more step and invest some of the time spent on the internet in these grounded, substantive conversations.

What do you think of this commons idea? Is there anything else we can do to reinvigorate the hearts and restore the civic health of our small communities?

Consensus, Millennial Politics, and the Common Good

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Bumped from the Wiki. I’m in Jury Duty all day today, but bergerc84 provides some good food for thought. —Mike

Peter Levine blogged about consensus today, and it got me thinking about Millennials, their affinity for collaboration, and how this impacts the current political environment.

Howe and Strauss, in Millennials Rising, cite team learning, school uniforms, and community service as indicators of a lifestyle focused on working together in this generation. They go on, “Unlike Gen Xers, [Millennials] believe in their own collective power.” Instead of following the culture of “everyone out for him/herself,” Millennials prefer to work together to accomplish goals, plans, and missions. As a result, scholars like Howe and Strauss predict a boon to civic institutions and organizations. Organizations like Kiwanis, with its high school-based Key Club, are primed to rapidly increase their membership totals with a community-focused spirit not seen since the early part of last century. This is nothing new, as we have seen volunteerism skyrocket with Millennials since the 1990s. In 2005, for example, a CIRCLE fact sheet tells us that 75.9% of high school seniors volunteered at least once a month.

Millennials naturally gravitate toward volunteerism and service opportunities, but until very recently, the political process was relatively unappealing. Baby Boomers have been a force in political and social institutions for a few decades now, and their ideological debates alienate the Millennials who are coming of age. Barack Obama expounds on this generational tension in The Audacity of Hope: “…in the elections of 2000 and 2004,” he writes, “I sometimes felt as if I were watching the psychodrama of the baby boom generation — a tale rooted in old grudges and revenge plots hatched on a handful of college campuses long ago — played out on the national stage.” While Obama is a Gen Xer, his point is still relevant given today’s high-charged political environment. The ideological battles leave Millennials – merely interested in working together and creating positive social change – outside the political process. The elections of 2004 and 2006, of course, demonstrated that Millennials are not content with waiting outside; increasingly, Millennials are crashing the party, forcing the parties and the punditocracy to appreciate the Millennials and their new approach to dealing with the nation’s problems.

Instead of being content with grand, ideological debates, Millennials want progress. Not only do they want to accomplish something, but they want to do it working together. What’s interesting to me, then, is Levine’s discussion of consensus and how it fits with Millennials. Levine posits that collaboration can create its own internal pressure. To paraphrase loosely, collaboration works because of the expectations it places on stakeholders and participants and the obligations they have to each other. While thinking hard about this, I noticed that the individualist approach that I believe humans naturally have is still present in this process, but subservient to the collaborative approach. When I work with others on a task, I might get things done because I care about the mission of the group, but I also do it because others are counting on me and I don’t want to let them down.

I think the recent discussion here of the web 2.0 stuff is spot on, and we certainly need to continue developing ways of utilizing Facebook, MySpace, and other social networking tools to develop peer-to-peer relationships, thereby maximizing political participation among Millennials. But I think there’s another way of doing this, and that’s reframing the political debate to give the advantage to Millennials. How? Why not frame everything using the “common good” that organizations like the Center for American Progress use? The common good could utilize the Millennials’ increased tolerance, concern for social progress, and affinity for working through institutions. It also allows for many other opportunities. While Boomer arguments usually lend to the “he said, she said” spats that cable news networks love to devour, the Millennial approach is only focused on progress. It plays down the flashy personality and divisive arguments. The passion in these debates, instead, is continually reinvested in the effort. Finally, Levine’s “pressure” concept comes into play. When you have something that’s going well, you don’t want to lose it, and so you lean on those you work with – in addition to completing your own tasks – to keep the excellence going. You have a combination of personal and social responsibility.

Alvin Toffler once said, “The secret message communicated to most young people today by the society around them is that they are not needed, that the society will run itself quite nicely until they — at some distant point in the future — will take over the reigns. Yet the fact is that the society is not running itself nicely… because the rest of us need all the energy, brains, imagination, and talent that young people can bring to bear down on our difficulties. For society to attempt to solve its desperate problems without the full participation of even very young people is imbecile.” Millennials, with their sky-high volunteerism rates, are clearly already turned-on by the common good. Why wouldn’t we approach politics the same way and infuse it with “energy, brains, imagination and talent”? Let me know what you think.

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